Monday, 21 February 2011


via CAAI

Published: 21/02/2011

There's no doubt that the real winner in the ''speech'' contest in New York last Monday was the host, the United Nations Security Council.

The council called a meeting at the UN headquarters to hear statements on the Thai-Cambodian border strife from Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya and his Cambodian counterpart Hor Namhong, who then simply walked out of the room.

The UN body carefully and intentionally made sure this ''contest'' ended with the Thai and Cambodian speakers being able to return home claiming a moral victory.

The public, both here and in Cambodia, should not get carried away with the claims made by Mr Kasit, Hor Namhong, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva or Cambodian leader Hun Sen. What they said was merely for domestic political consumption. No one wants to admit they were the loser; that would be a political disaster for both countries.

The real winner last week was neither Thailand nor Cambodia. It was the Security Council itself which showed the world what carefully designed diplomacy is all about. It made Cambodia look like the winner when the UN security body decided to take up the issue after the first exchange of gunfire on Feb 4 near Preah Vihear. That's what Hun Sen wanted from the beginning. Then it turned to Thailand and made the kingdom look like the winner, too, with the decision not to position blue-beret peacekeepers at the border and made no legally binding decision. Council members just wanted this matter to end for good in talks, not by tanks, and give the Association of Southeast Asian Nations a chance to play a role to mend the rift, if not to solve the problem.

If the border area contained oil reserves, the council would not have made the decision this way. Had this incident taken place some 40 years ago when one country after another was falling to the Communists, the call by the council would have been another thing. Sure, the border spat is something that has other Asean members worried. But it has only limited impact on regional security as it is being seen as two neighbours quarreling with each other in a game tinged with national pride, political motives and, unfortunately, unnecessary loss of life and injuries to soldiers and ordinary people.

In the speeches delivered by the Thai and Cambodian ministers last week, the two countries took different positions, making accusations against each other and, for Thailand in particular, unnecessarily reminding the international community of what Thailand has done for the neighbour as it was recovering from its own internal strife _ thus there is no reason for the kingdom to start an armed fight with Cambodia.

''We have attached great importance to maintaining and promoting friendly relations with Cambodia. We gave refuge to millions of Cambodian refugees. We were supportive of the peace process in Cambodia with Thai soldiers participating in peacekeeping efforts in Cambodia under the United Nations and were active in the reconstruction of Cambodia,'' Mr Kasit said in his statement. Hor Namhong was very strong when he tried to convince the Security Council to do something against ''Thailand 's aggression which has gravely endangered peace and stability in the region'' by dispatching UN peacekeepers or observers to the disputed frontier.

But it would be too pessimistic to say that there is no chance to find a solution to the problem by leaders in their capitals, with or without help from Asean. Thailand does not want the sovereignty issue of that 4.6 square kilometre areas to be dragged into the World Court, given the bitter history of the World Court's ruling over Preah Vihear. Cambodia is not willing to talk it over with Thailand alone and, after almost 50 years, it is still boosted by the court's favourable ruling on the temple. The process will be long, painful and no guarantee that the 1962 victory will be repeated.

A chance for a solution with a win-win situation to this problem begins with the strong political will of their leaders. Thus far, it has not been found in Bangkok nor Phnom Penh.

Minister attends opening dinner of Turkish University in Cambodia

http://www.worldbulletin.net/

via CAAI

Turkish Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister Bulent Arinc attended opening dinner of Turkish Zaman University in Cambodia on Sunday.

Speaking at dinner, Arinc underlined importance of his visit and expressed pleasure over opening a Turkish university in Cambodia.

"The target is to serve the youth of this country and give them high standard education. We believe that youth of Cambodia will get education in those universities and serve their own country. They will form bridges of friendship between Turkey and Cambodia," Arinc said.

Arinc said he believed the education services would contribute a lot to world peace.

Referring to bilateral relations with Cambodia, Arinc said, "there are no diplomatic relations with Cambodia at the being. I paid the first high ranking visit to Cambodia."

Arinc said actual 25 million USD trade volume should be increased to 100 billion USD. He said, "we want to make investment here. We want to prepare legal infrastructure to boost trade volume. We should sign a deal to prevent double taxation. We should boost investments reciprocally."

Cambodia welcomes Thai intention to ask observers from Indonesia to border disputed area

via CAAI

February 21, 2011 

Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said Monday that Cambodia welcomes Thailand's intention to ask Indonesia to send observers to embed in Thai side's troops in the border conflict near the 11th century Preah Vihear temple.

"Now Thailand agreed with the observers, it's the best, so it will be positive step in the meeting in Jakarta on Feb. 22," he told reporters on Monday morning at Phnom Penh International Airport before departing for the foreign ministers' meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta, Indonesia to hear of the border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand.

"This is the result of our complaint to the United Nations Security Council because we had asked to the UNSC for observers to the disputed border areas to ensure cease-fire and to observe who the real invader is-- as both sides always put the blame on each other," he added.

Hor Namhong's remark was made following a Sunday's announcement by Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya that Thailand planned to invite Indonesia to send observers to "embed" with Thai soldiers at the border where Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops.

"We would ask Indonesia, chair of ASEAN, to dispatch observers to embed with the Thai troops at the border where the Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops. The observers will be our witness that we respect the ceasefire," The Nation quoted Kasit as saying on Sunday.

During the upcoming ASEAN foreign ministers'meeting, Cambodia will ask Thailand to sign a permanent ceasefire under the witness of ASEAN chair or representative and it will also ask ASEAN observers to the disputed areas to ensure the permanent ceasefire.

"Cambodia has a strong confidence on ASEAN in meditating the conflict," he said.

Cambodia and Thailand have had border conflict just a week after Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple was enlisted as World Heritage Site on July 7, 2008.

The conflict is due to Thai claim of the ownership of 1.8 square miles (4.6 sq km) of scrub next to the temple, triggering a military build-up along the border, and periodic clashes between Cambodian and Thai soldiers have resulted in the deaths of troops on both sides. The latest clashes on Feb. 4-7, unleashed a barrage of artillery shells on both sides of the border, had killed and wounded many soldiers and citizens of both sides, and caused tens of thousands of the two countries' villagers nearby the disputed areas fleeing for safe shelters.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Source: Xinhua

UN rejects intervention in Thai-Cambodian border tensions


via CAAI

By John Roberts
21 February 2011

A closed-door meeting of the United Nations Security Council in New York on February 14 refused Cambodian requests that the UN intervene in the border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia over the thousand-year old Preah Vihear Hindu Temple site.

Between February 4 and 7, hostilities had escalated into exchanges of artillery fire that killed at least 10 people—three Thais and seven Cambodians—and injured at least 89 others. Thousands of civilians on both sides of the border have been evacuated from the area around the ancient temple.

A 1962 World Court ruling gave sovereignty of Preah Vihear to Cambodia but the surrounding land, which allows tourist access, has never been demarcated. Tensions have been high since July 2008 when Cambodia proposed that it be given the authority to oversee World Heritage listing for the site by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation.

The Security Council session was addressed by Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Nambong and his Thai counterpart Kasit Piromya.

Hor Namhong maintained Phnom Penh’s line that only international intervention could resolve the dispute and that UN monitors were needed on the border. He alleged that Thailand had provoked the fighting on February 4 and launched a full-scale military assault on February 6 that constituted a “war of aggression”. He denied Thai claims that Cambodian troops were using Preah Vihear and the nearby area as a military base. He accused Thailand of deploying artillery and tanks, and warned that fighting could break out “at any time”.

Thailand’s Kasit insisted that the conflict could be settled only in bilateral talks, without outside intervention, and accused Cambodia of instigating the border clashes.

The Security Council rejected the Cambodian calls for the deployment of an international monitoring force to the temple site. Instead, the UN adopted the posture of neutrality. Security Council President Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti said it had urged the Thai and Cambodian governments to “display maximum restraint and avoid any action that may aggravate the situation” and had called for a permanent ceasefire and “effective dialogue”. It also called on both parties to cooperate with mediation efforts by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Behind the UN stance is the competition for economic and political dominance in South East Asia between China and the United States, which both hold veto rights in the UN Security Council. Any UN intervention would not be to secure peace as such but would be the means for advancing the interests of one or other of the major powers. At this point, neither the US nor China see any benefit from a UN operation.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu said Beijing was in close contact with both nations and was keen to assist ASEAN in finding a resolution to the conflict. US State Department spokesman Philip Crowley said the Obama administration also welcomed intervention by ASEAN. He told journalists that the US was undecided on whether the UN should become directly involved.

By handing the border conflict to ASEAN, which historically has had little influence in dealing with the rival interests of its member-states, the Security Council exacerbated an already volatile situation.

No sooner had the UN meeting concluded than new skirmishes flared. On February 15, the Thai military accused Cambodian forces of throwing grenades at a Thai position. The following morning saw a more serious clash. Thai army spokesman Colonel Sansern Kaewkamnerd claimed Cambodian soldiers had attacked a border outpost in the Phu Khua area.

On his return from the Security Council meeting, Hor Nambong accused Thailand of having a hidden agenda to “use its overwhelming superior military forces to take over Cambodian territory in the vicinity of Preah Vihear”. The Thai military has reportedly deployed 23,000 heavily armed troops near the disputed area around the temple, underscoring the potential for the conflict to escalate.

It remains unclear who is behind the latest clashes. There is some speculation, however, that elements within the Thai military command initially provoked the latest crisis—without the knowledge of the Thai government. The military hierarchy fears that an early election planned by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva would result in a victory for the political forces loyal to the former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra.

The armed forces, backed by the monarchy, overthrew Thaksin in a coup in 2006 in order to repudiate economic policies that were opposed by powerful business interests and the country’s traditional elites. Thaksin’s supporters, however, still constitute a large base of electoral support, due to limited social concessions that were made by his government to the urban and rural poor.

The Wall Street Journal noted on February 10 that “some people familiar with the situation say some members of the armed forces and other Thaksin opponents—worried that elections might return Mr Thaksin’s supporters to power—may seek to disrupt elections plans by distracting Mr Abhisit with the Cambodia issue”.

The main instrument of the military and sections of the political establishment in stoking the border conflict is the right-wing People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD). PAD played a pivotal role in both the ousting of Thaksin and the destabilisation and ultimate removal of the pro-Thaksin government that was established after the December 2007 election. Abhisit was installed in office in December 2008.

Members of PAD illegally entered Cambodian territory near the temple site last December to invite arrest and create a diplomatic incident. In the weeks since, it has organised small but high-profile demonstrations in Bangkok denouncing Abhisit for refusing to take a harder line over the border dispute. Abhisit has increasingly adapted to the PAD campaign. He has stepped up his rhetoric against Cambodia, and last week offered to take part in a nationally-televised debate with PAD leaders.

Banham Silpa-acha, the chairman of Abhisit’s coalition partner, the Chart Thai Pattana Party, has insisted that the Thai prime minister resolve the border conflict before setting an election date. Abhisit subsequently announced that no election would be held before June.

The domestic considerations of the Thai establishment dovetail with concerns in Washington over Cambodia’s ties with China. While Cambodia depends on US and European markets for its major textile exports, China has become its major foreign investor, particularly in the natural resources sector and infrastructure. As of 2009, Chinese investment totalled $US4.5 billion.

On February 3, the US Congress received a report from the Congressional Research Service entitled, “China Naval Modernisation: Implications for US Navy Capabilities—Background and Issues for Congress”. The report raised alarm over Beijing’s efforts to establish a series of bases or friendly ports-of-call for Chinese naval vessels. Chinese infrastructure investments in Cambodia were specifically noted, including a rail-link. China has since foreshadowed a major port in the southern Cambodian province of Koh Kong.

Washington has already made moves to undermine Chinese influence in Cambodia. During her visit to Cambodia last year, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared that the US was “re-engaging” in the region economically and politically, and warned Prime Minister Hun Sen not to become too dependent on China.

Hun Sen appears to have heeded the message, amid the Thai military mobilisation on the border. The Cambodian army announced on February 16 that it would send 200 troops to participate in a 13-day exercise with 135 troops from the US Army’s Pacific command and three other countries it did not identify. Called “Angkor Sentinel 2011,” the exercise, according to US Army Colonel Robert Dunton, will train American troops for possible “humanitarian” work in Cambodia.

Military attaches see border damage


via CAAI

Published: 21/02/2011

The military attaches of 14 countries were taken on tour today to see the damage caused on the Thai side of the border by Cambodian shelling during the fighting between the two countries on Feb 4-7.

Photos by Sermpong Thongsamrit

Lt-Gen Sirichai Dithakul, the army depty chief-of-staff, led the military attaches to Phum Srol village in Si Sa Ket's Kantharalak district, which was worst hit by the cross-border fire.

One villager was killed and others wounded.

One building of Phum Srol School was hit by three BM-21 rockets, causing heavy damage and forcing the school to close. It reopened on Feb 14 and makeshift classrooms have been built to accommodate the students.

The attaches taking part in the border visit were from the United States, France, China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Burma, Singapore, Vietnam, Brunei and the Philippines. The Cambodian military attache was not in the group.

At Phum Srol, the attaches were received by Lt-Gen Tawatchai Samutsakhon, the 2nd Army commander and a situation briefing was given at nearby Mo E-daeng cliff.

"Thai soldiers want the conflict to be solved through negotiation and peaceful means. We don't want to invade any country, but only to protect our sovereignty," Lt-Gen Sirichai told the military attaches.

A military source Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya had asked Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon to invite the military attaches to visit the border.

Gen Dapong Rattanasuwan, the army chief-of-staff, will accompany Mr Kasit to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' meeting of foreign ministers in Jakarta tomorrow, Feb 22.

On Saturday, Gen Dapong led a team to ceasefire talks with Maj-Gen Hun Manet, the deputy army chief of Cambodia, and an eight-point agreement was reached.


Lt-Gen Tawatchai, the 2nd Army chief, affirmed that no agreement was signed by the two sides.

"It was a gentleman's agreement between soldiers. There was no signing of anything," he said.

DHL opens new office in Cambodia

http://logisticsweek.com/

via CAAI

By NewsDesk

Share DHL, the world’s leading logistics company, today opened its new premises for its Global Forwarding arm in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Located in the Regency Square Business Complex close to the capital’s center, the new office will serve as a “DHL Fashion and Apparel Center of Excellence” to support the established textile and garments industry in Cambodia, and also bolster DHL’s services to customers in the oil and energy sector.

“The new office reflects our commitment to expand our reach in the region and to continually invest in Cambodia. We are very optimistic about the country’s growth potential – gross domestic product growth stands at 5.5 per cent in 2010, higher than the forecast of 4.9 per cent[1] by the World Bank. We believe that 2011 will be an even better year for Cambodia now that economic recovery is well underway,” said Amadou Diallo, Chief Executive Officer, Africa and South Asia Pacific, DHL Global Forwarding.

ASEAN ministers to seek solution of Thailand-Cambodia dispute

via CAAI

2011-02-21

JAKARTA, Feb. 21 (Xinhua) -- All ASEAN foreign ministers are to hold a one-day informal meeting in Jakarta on Tuesday to find a solution for the border dispute of Thailand and Cambodia that has killed scores of people, Indonesian officials said here Monday.

Indonesia, the chairman of ASEAN, has taken initiative to bring the two countries to the negotiation table. "As ASEAN under the chairmanship of Indonesia, Indonesian President (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) has asked to try to look for an initiative to settle the conflict of ASEAN members," presidential spokesman Teuku Faizasyah told Xinhua by phone.

All the ASEAN foreign ministers were to gather in the Indonesian Foreign Ministry Office on Tuesday for the informal ASEAN Minister Meeting, focusing on discussing for a way out of the border dispute, a press official of the ministry told Xinhua by phone.

Earlier this month, President Yudhoyono asked Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa to visit both countries to encourage them to terminate the conflict through negotiation.

Military commanders of Cambodian and Thai armies have agreed for a ceasefire for the conflict in the areas near to the Preah Vihear Temple, after fire exchange clashes earlier this month that killed 10 people.

Editor: Xiong Tong

Cambodia welcomes Thai intention to ask observers from Indonesia to border disputed area

via CAAI

English.news.cn
2011-02-21

PHNOM PENH, Feb. 21 (Xinhua) -- Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said Monday that Cambodia welcomes Thailand's intention to ask Indonesia to send observers to embed in Thai side's troops in the border conflict near the 11th century Preah Vihear temple.

"Now Thailand agreed with the observers, it's the best, so it will be positive step in the meeting in Jakarta on Feb. 22," he told reporters on Monday morning at Phnom Penh International Airport before departing for the foreign ministers' meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta, Indonesia to hear of the border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand.

"This is the result of our complaint to the United Nations Security Council because we had asked to the UNSC for observers to the disputed border areas to ensure cease-fire and to observe who the real invader is-- as both sides always put the blame on each other," he added.

Hor Namhong's remark was made following a Sunday's announcement by Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya that Thailand planned to invite Indonesia to send observers to "embed" with Thai soldiers at the border where Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops.

"We would ask Indonesia, chair of ASEAN, to dispatch observers to embed with the Thai troops at the border where the Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops. The observers will be our witness that we respect the ceasefire," The Nation quoted Kasit as saying on Sunday.

During the upcoming ASEAN foreign ministers'meeting, Cambodia will ask Thailand to sign a permanent ceasefire under the witness of ASEAN chair or representative and it will also ask ASEAN observers to the disputed areas to ensure the permanent ceasefire.

"Cambodia has a strong confidence on ASEAN in meditating the conflict," he said.

Cambodia and Thailand have had border conflict just a week after Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple was enlisted as World Heritage Site on July 7, 2008.

The conflict is due to Thai claim of the ownership of 1.8 square miles (4.6 sq km) of scrub next to the temple, triggering a military build-up along the border, and periodic clashes between Cambodian and Thai soldiers have resulted in the deaths of troops on both sides. The latest clashes on Feb. 4-7, unleashed a barrage of artillery shells on both sides of the border, had killed and wounded many soldiers and citizens of both sides, and caused tens of thousands of the two countries' villagers nearby the disputed areas fleeing for safe shelters.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Editor: Xiong Tong

ASEAN mulls Thai-Cambodia issue

via CAAI

Monday, February 21, 2011
By Kavi Chongkittavorn, The Nation (Thailand)/Asia News Network

Now that the ball is in ASEAN's court, any protracted move of the ongoing Thai-Cambodian dispute can further delay the realization of the grouping's one community in the next 1,417 days.

Regardless of the outcome, when the ASEAN foreign ministers meet on the afternoon of Feb. 22 in Jakarta, it will mark a historic moment for ASEAN as a rule-based organization's efforts to pursue effective dialogues to help warring members find a workable solution. ASEAN's future actions will be utmost cautious and yet forward-looking. Consensus would be required for any ASEAN collective endeavor, which will essentially be based on the lowest denominators.

Indonesia, the current rotating chair, understands very well this ASEAN reality. Before the people's revolution in 1998, which overthrew the strongman president Suharto, the grouping's largest member was infamous for dragging its feet on various ASEAN economic and political schemes of cooperation.

Now the chair has been the main driving force to move ASEAN forward and create a new ASEAN way that would go beyond the ASEAN Community. Absolutely, no ASEAN chairs in recent memory have had such a comprehensive and ambitious plan for ASEAN as advocated by Indonesia.

As such, Indonesia has to ensure that there is sufficient progress toward the resolution of the Thai-Cambodian conflict at the scheduled informal meeting. Otherwise, the chair's agenda — “ASEAN Community in a Global Community of Nations” — could be bogged down with political rhetoric and mudslinging as border fighting continues sporadically. Truth be told, Indonesia has roughly 10 months to lay down the foundation and finish what it plans for ASEAN.

When Indonesia proposed to set up the ASEAN Political and Security Community in 2003, it was envisaged that ASEAN would then become an organization that could help settle conflicts and reconcile differences among members.

After all, Jakarta took all diplomatic blunts before and in the aftermath of East Timor's independence (1999-2002) when it decided to bare all its shortcomings and called for wider cooperation from ASEAN members, especially in the formation of international peacekeeping forces.

Thailand was first to respond followed by Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. These ASEAN members participated in various peace initiatives proposed by Indonesia such as the proposed international peacekeeping operation, including Aceh, on its own without using the ASEAN flag. Another case in point was the joint effort by ASEAN and international community (2008-2010) in rehabilitating Myanmar in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis that was carefully framed as a humanitarian operation.

Lest the region forgets, as the ASEAN chair in 2003, Indonesia did a miraculous job in pushing for extensive reforms within ASEAN especially on common actions to promote shared norms and collective responsibility. Many good initiatives, unfortunately, mainly in political and security areas, were not taken into consideration even though they would propel ASEAN to the next level.

Eight years have passed. Now ASEAN has a charter, which is well over two years old. The question remains whether the ASEAN chair can initiate a new policy which was effectively endorsed by all ASEAN members which can then carry their flag. This time around, ASEAN will lose its credibility if it does not have any consensus in bringing the warring members conflict to a halt. Except Cambodia, no member countries would like to see this issue being taken up at the UNSC again.

Therefore, the Feb. 22 meeting will serve as a barometer for whether ASEAN really has what it takes to move forward as a rule-based organization — the most often cited virtue. Before the ASEAN Charter came to being at the end of 2008, every action inside ASEAN was voluntary without any enforcing or reprimanding mechanism. Members' goodwill and cooperative spirits were the key.

In that sense, the 43-year-old history of ASEAN does not have a successful story to tell on what they could do together and put into practice their commitments on more than two hundreds protocols and agreements.

But this time it could be different even though ASEAN has never chaired, let alone, engaged, in a full-blown dialogue process to manage or resolve intra-ASEAN conflict. ASEAN has received a clarion “call” from the council to help mediate the Thai-Cambodian conflict.

Obviously, the 15-member group realizes the complexity of the conflict so they jointly wanted to boost the role of regional and bilateral efforts. At present, the world's top body is too occupied with political turmoil and conflict around the world. So when opportunities arise, it will urge regional organizations to share the burden — doing what they can do to help out. It has been the case in Africa with the African Union playing a significant role in various peacekeeping and electoral operations.

Indeed, ASEAN is the last regional organization to be tasked by the council for such a purpose. Apart from the existing 1976 mechanism contained in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), ASEAN has yet to set up dispute settlement mechanisms within the grouping. Economic dispute mechanisms were put in place long ago — something that the ASEAN members have been using to address their economic grievances.

After the ASEAN Charter was adopted, the dispute mechanism was established last year but it is for any dispute regarding the charter and not the intra-ASEAN arms conflict.

It is hard to gauge ASEAN member's overall sentiments followed the council's briefings. Almost all members still prefer to see Thailand and Cambodia work out their differences bilaterally without resorting to outside forces. Deep down, they do not want to establish any precedence in which ASEAN serves as a mediator for an intra-ASEAN conflict or broader U.N. involvements because one day they could be parties to future conflicts.

When the problems of border demarcations between Malaysia and Singapore (Pedra Branca) on one hand and Malaysia and Indonesia (Sipadan and Ligitan) heated up, all of them readily bypassed the TAC and went straight to the International Court of Justice. All parties accepted the court's rulings.

It is hopeful given the pivotal juncture of its history, ASEAN would be able to convince its warring members to climb down and work together to end their conflicts with the support of ASEAN — whatever that might be in coming days.

Military attaches from 14 countries visit disputed border

via CAAI

Deputy Army Chief-of-Staff Lt Gen Sirichai Distthakul Monday led 14 foreign military attaches to visit a village in Si Sa Ket near the Thai-Cambodian border skirmishes.

Sirichai told reporters before leaving for Si Sa Ket that the foreign military attaché would be let to the Bhumsarol village to be briefed of the situation by local officials.

Sirichai said the foreign attaches had been briefed of the clashes by Army Commander-in-Chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha on February 8 and now they would travel to see the site.

The 14 countries are eight Asean nations, except Cambodia, and China, France, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States, Sirichai said.

The Nation

DAP News. Breaking News by Soy Sopheap

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Cambodia welcomes Thai intention to ask observers from Indonesia to border disputed area

Monday, 21 February 2011 08:58 administrator

PHNOM PENH, Feb. 21-- Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said Monday that Cambodia welcomes Thailand's intention to ask Indonesia to send observers to embed in Thai side's troops in the border conflict near the 11th century Preah Vihear temple.

"Now Thailand agreed with the observers, it's the best, so it will be positive step in the meeting in Jakarta on Feb. 22," he told reporters on Monday morning at Phnom Penh International Airport before departing for the foreign ministers' meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta, Indonesia to hear of the border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand.

"This is the result of our complaint to the United Nations Security Council because we had asked to the UNSC for observers to the disputed border areas to ensure cease-fire and to observe who the real invader is-- as both sides always put the blame on each other," he added.

Hor Namhong's remark was made following a Sunday's announcement by Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya that Thailand planned to invite Indonesia to send observers to "embed" with Thai soldiers at the border where Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops.

"We would ask Indonesia, chair of ASEAN, to dispatch observers to embed with the Thai troops at the border where the Thai troops clashed with Cambodian troops. The observers will be our witness that we respect the ceasefire," The Nation quoted Kasit as saying on Sunday.

During the upcoming ASEAN foreign ministers'meeting, Cambodia will ask Thailand to sign a permanent ceasefire under the witness of ASEAN chair or representative and it will also ask ASEAN observers to the disputed areas to ensure the permanent ceasefire.

"Cambodia has a strong confidence on ASEAN in meditating the conflict," he said.

Cambodia and Thailand have had border conflict just a week after Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple was enlisted as World Heritage Site on July 7, 2008.

The conflict is due to Thai claim of the ownership of 1.8 square miles (4.6 sq km) of scrub next to the temple, triggering a military build-up along the border, and periodic clashes between Cambodian and Thai soldiers have resulted in the deaths of troops on both sides. The latest clashes on Feb. 4-7, unleashed a barrage of artillery shells on both sides of the border, had killed and wounded many soldiers and citizens of both sides, and caused tens of thousands of the two countries' villagers nearby the disputed areas fleeing for safe shelters.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. (Xinhua/sp)

______

China to help Cambodia boost social, economic development

Monday, 21 February 2011 08:41 (Xinhua)

PHNOM PENH, Feb. 21 (Xinhua) -- Cambodia and China on Monday signed six agreements on bilateral cooperation, aiming at assisting Cambodia to develop its economy and to alleviate poverty, said officials.

The agreements were signed here during the 2nd China-Cambodia Strategic Economic Dialogue, co-chaired by Anu Porn Moniroth, secretary of state of the Ministry of Economy and Finance of Cambodia and Fu Ziying, visiting Chinese vice commerce minister.

Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Economy and Finance Keat Chhon and Chinese ambassador to Cambodia Pan Guangxue attended the signing ceremony.

The grant and loan agreements included a grant to Cambodian Ministry of Economy and Finance; a donation of air-conditioners and desktop computers to the Senate; a project to dispatch Chinese experts to study the feasibility of the construction of agricultural laboratory building in Cambodia; a loan agreement for the construction of a 22 kilovolt electricity transmission line in the length of 1.9 km in the provinces of Kampong Speu, Preah Sihanouk, Prey Veng and Kampong Cham.

Moreover, the construction contract of enlargement of the national road No. 6A (in the length of 40 km) to four lanes under a soft loan from China, and the consultant contract on the enlargement of the national road No. 6A were also signed.

Aun Porn Moniroth expressed profound thanks to China for its timely and unconditional financial and technical assistances to Cambodia.

"As the world was affected by the global financial crisis, China had still provided its assistance to Cambodia," he said, adding"this has helped Cambodia to prevent and overcome the crisis successfully."

"Chinese aid to Cambodia is very essential to develop the economy and alleviate poverty,"he added.

Fu Ziying said that Cambodia is a good neighbor of China and pledged to continue supporting Cambodia in its development of economy.

"China and Cambodia are willing to help each other,"he said, adding "in the future, China can be a big market for Cambodian products."

"We want closer cooperation with Cambodia on agriculture and mining as well as other sectors,"he said.

Fu Ziying is scheduled to pay courtesy call on Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on Monday afternoon.

AKP - The Agence Kampuchea Press


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U.S. POW/MIA Mission in Cambodia

Phnom Penh, February 21, 2011 AKP – General Pol Saroeun, commander-in-chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), on Feb. 18 met with the U.S. Major General Stephen D. Tom of the Joint POW/MIA (Prisoner of War/Missing In Action) Accounting Command to reflect and plan for the continuing Cambodia-U.S. collaboration in searching the remains of American soldiers missing in the war during the 1970s.

Talking to General Pol Saroeun at the RCAF Headquarters in Phnom Penh, Major General Stephen D. Tom appreciated the good facilitation from the Cambodian side in POW/MIA mission.

The recent bone searching activities have been done primarily at Tang Island and other prioritized areas.

General Pol Saroeun welcomed and showed his commitment to continue all necessary collaboration with the American counterpart, despite the emerging border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand.

Cambodia is providing similar support to Vietnam to search the remains of its troops who had scarified their lives in Cambodia. –AKP

By MOM Chan Dara Soleil

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Partnership between National Libraries of Cambodia and France

Phnom Penh, February 21, 2011 AKP – The National Libraries of Cambodia and France on Feb. 18 officially launched an old-book exhibition at the Phnom Penh-situated National Library of Cambodia with the presence of the Secretary of State at the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts H.E. Thai Noraksatya and French Ambassador to Cambodia H.E. Christian Connan and the heads of the two partner National Libraries.

Entitled ‘Memorable Writings of Cambodia’, the one-month exhibition made avail of free entry for the public from Feb. 18 onward. A wide range of writings dated back to around 100 years ago (between 1892 and 1993), both in Khmer and French, can be enjoyed at the Cambodia’s oldest library.

Along with the launch of the showcasing, Cambodian National Library Director Khlot Vibolla and National Library of France President Bruno Racine signed a three-year cooperation agreement between the two major Francophone institutions, wherein the French counterpart will assist the digitization of key publications in the Cambodian National Library.

To date, there are approximately 23 thousand publications in French. H.E. Thai Noraksatya expressed his optimism that the book exhibition and the said France’s assistance to the Cambodian National Library will enhance the use of French in Cambodia.

Protection and preservation of old publications and culture, as said H.E. Christian Connan, play a vital role in benefiting the humanity. However, the preservation needs to take new technological form both for now and the future. –AKP

By MOM Chan Dara Soleil

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Meak Bochea Day Celebrated at Oudong Mount in Kandal Province

Phnom Penh, February 21, 2011 AKP – Annual Meak Bochea Day was celebrated at Phnom Preah Reachtroap (Oudong Mount) in Ponhea Leu district, Kandal province on Feb.18, where a stupa of Buddha’s relics is located.
The celebration, presided over by Deputy Prime Minister and National Defense Minister H.E. Tea Banh, was attended by high-ranking officials and foreign ambassadors to Cambodia, with the participation of laymen and laywomen.

Meanwhile, many Buddhist monks were invited to join the celebration for blessing.

Cambodia, as well as other Buddhism-practicing countries, holds the event annually. –AKP

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Commentary: ASEAN Must Approve a Roadmap for Definitive and Permanent Ceasefire Mandated by UNSC

Phnom Penh, February 21, 2011, AKP – On the diplomatic battlefield, Cambodia has succeeded in calling for the UNSC’s urgent meeting on 14 February in New York, by which the UNSC’s Statement called for a permanent ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand, and expressed support for ASEAN’s active efforts in this matter and encouraged the parties to continue to cooperate with the organization in this regard.

Diplomatically, the ball has already been passed to ASEAN, which is a new challenge for ASEAN to tackle. As mandated by the UNSC, ASEAN must have a strong volition to directly participate and solve this complicated issue. Based on the spirit of the UNSC’s Statement, it is crystal clear that both parties “Cambodia and Thailand” plus a “third party” can it be ASEAN or chairman of ASEAN are engaged in every round of the talk relating to the border dispute. For such a talk, all parties must be in the glass of talk, simply put, a talk in the light, not in the dark room, which is transparency for all outsiders to verify peace on one hand and to monitor whether who aggressed who on the other hand.

On 17 February 2011 Samdech Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the kingdom of Cambodia is strongly committed to building a permanent ceasefire by setting out the four point-ceasefire, which must be signed by Thailand, and co-signed by ASEAN Members or ASEAN Chair in the ASEAN meeting which set to be held on 22 February 2011 in Indonesia. But it is still far to be clear whether Cambodian Prime Minister’s ceasefire deal will prevail in the next meeting in Jakarta.

The four point-ceasefire is an important road map which is brilliantly and wisely initiated by Samdech Hun Sen, which ASEAN countries must approve to bring long lasting peace along the border between Cambodia and Thailand. It is crystal clear that the four-point ceasefire is the best road map which shows a firm commitment by Cambodian Prime Minister. The four point-ceasefire are as follows:

1- Both parties agree to the permanent cease fire and stop fighting forever

2- Both parties agree to maintain the current position of armed forces and by not mobilizing its armed forces until a resolution on demarcation of the border settled.

3- Both parties encourage the countries’ commanders to open talks to improve cooperation to restore the situation to the pre-July 15 2008

4- To ensure the effectiveness, ASEAN countries must come to monitor the ceasefire.

But on 18 February, was quoted by Bangkok Post Online, reported that “Abhisit Vejjajiva refused a ceasefire agreement proposed by Cambodian Prime Minister”. Abhisit said “We are not the ones that started fire. It’s too early to talk about the signing of the agreement”. Abhisit said that ASEAN would not interfere in the content of the issue discussed at the negotiating table”. Abhisit said the two countries in conflict must hold talks and ASEAN could act as facilitator”.

There is no doubt that Abhisit refused the abovementioned proposal once Samdech Hun Sen is aware of the refusal before it reached Abhisit’s hand. Abhisit’s refusal can be clearly understood that Abhisit wanted to nurture long-standing dispute so as to manipulate for its political gain in the Thai internal political unrest, which the Democrat must win in the next general elections. This is one of the reasons. But the straight question is that why is Abhisit afraid of multilateral mechanism, and keep clinging to the bilateral negotiation without a third party? Actually there are many foreseeable answers. One of those, Abhisit probably wanted to create a tense situation along the border to thwart the Cambodia’s Management Plan which is set to be raised on the 35th Session of the WHC in Bahrain next June.

There are many reasons behind the political hidden agenda of the Thai ruling elites in Bangkok. Thailand is a big country in terms of its population, military and economic strength, as compared to Cambodia, a small member of ASEAN. Given these reasons the bilateral negotiation looks more advantageous rather than political risky to Thailand. Bilateral negotiation provides Thailand a win-win position at its political calculation, which Thailand, with its upper hand in military and economic strength, can do its bargaining and compromising in the negotiation. Such a negotiation is in the dark room, which the negotiation result can not be warranted and guaranteed by Thai side. On this reason, Cambodia could not sit for talk with Thailand any more since the three previous agreements were to be asked through the complicated internal rule and procedure for approval of Thai parliament or to be delayed indefinitely.

Why Abhisit is afraid of the multilateral mechanism? In reality, multilateral mechanism is the dead end and pitfall of political lifeline for Abhisit and the Thai ruling elites since the pursuing of a policy of territorial expansion has been remained in the mindset in the Thai political ruling classes relating to foreign policy with its neighbors. Multilateral mechanism is the negotiation in the light room with outsiders or a third party involved to monitoring the process and as a witness to ensuring that a definitive and permanent ceasefire deal is fully implemented or the rule of law is applied. For multilateral mechanism, is a big risk which Thailand through the Democrat used to lose in the international court of justice on the Case Concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear in 1962. Cambodian legal officials are preparing a document to raise the 1962 judgment to ICJ for interpretation to be clear that the Temple of Preah Vihear and the Vicinity of the Temple is legally located in Cambodian territory. In response, Thai foreign minister, Kasit Piromya, quoted by Bangkok Post Online on 15 February 2011, said that the government is ready to present its case in the Thai-Cambodian border dispute if Phnom Penh takes the issue to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). This is a package of solution, which can ensure and guarantee both long lasting peace and definitive and stable boundary line between the two countries.

For the root cause of the current border dispute between the two counties has not been caused by the inscription of the Temple of Preah Vihear on the World Heritage List. In fact, it has been exacerbated by Thailand’s usage of its mysterious, unilateral and internationally unrecognized map, which Thailand itself drew this unilateral map after it lost in the Hague based ICJ in 1962 and later fabricated a so-called dispute area around the Temple. If Thailand was not clear about the 1962 ICJ judgment, why did Thailand not file for revision within the period of 10 years as stated in the article 61 of ICJ statute? Thailand accepted the 1962 ICJ judgment. The Temple of Preah Vihear and the vicinity of the Temple de jure and de facto belong to Cambodia.

Around 45 years later, once Thailand’s domestic political event has come to a dramatic change in 2006, which the Thai Rak Thai Party led Government was toppled and later Pro-Thaksin Government come to power. Since than the inscription of the Temple of Preah Vihear has been held in Thailand’s domestic political hostage. For most of Thai people are clearly aware that the Temple of Preah Vihear legally belongs to Cambodia. And the inscription of the Temple is a cultural affair in nature of Cambodia and that of the World Heritage Committee, which WHC has collective responsibility for protecting and salvaging the Temple.

On the contrary, some Thai politicians, ultra-nationalists and its local media outlets twisted, misled and misrepresented and misinterpreted the historic, factual and legal base relating to the 1962 ICJ judgment by wrongly saying that the ICJ only ruled the Temple of Preah Vihear is situated in the Cambodian territory but kept short to rule the area around the Temple. If Thailand did not clearly understand the ICJ’s three point-ruling, Thailand must look to the ICJ’s principal grounds for its ruling in 1962. In its reasoning, the ICJ very clearly demonstrated the legal validity of the border line as shown in the “ANNEX I MAP”. Therefore, according to the “ANNEX I MAP” used by the ICJ in 1962, the Temple of Preah Vihear and the Vicinity of the Temple is legally located in the territory under the sovereignty of Cambodia. By inventing its mysterious, unilateral map which was not recognized by the international community, Thailand shamelessly keeps claiming the disputed area adjacent to the Temple which grossly violated the 1962 ICJ judgment and the international rule of law.

In short, for the first scenario, the UNSC has extremely paid attention to the Cambodian-Thai border dispute. For any definitive and permanent ceasefire deal can prevail unless ASEAN steps in the talk, which relies on Thailand’s goodwill. For the first move, ASEAN must step in; otherwise ASEAN itself will lose its credibility, image and mutual trust as mandated by the UNSC in the eyes of the international community and the whole world. However, the road map for peace remains too far to be clear in the ASEAN foreign ministers meeting in Jakarta this week.

For the second scenario, if Thailand keeps claiming the area adjacent to the Temple and peace deal did not prevail, it is really inevitable that 1962 ICJ judgment must be brought up to the ICJ for its interpretation in consistency with article 94 of the UN Charter. And the UNSC must step in to decide upon measures to be taken to give effect to the 1962 ICJ judgment. And this is probably the death end and pitfall of political lifeline for Thai ruling elites. Because the 1962 ICJ judgment is a historical lesson for them to learn. Therefore, such a mechanism is a real big loss for them which most of them do not want to take risk.

By SEK SAR.S.K
Junior Researcher on the Case Concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear
(Cambodia vs.Thailand) 15 June 1962

(The comments are solely the opinion of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the Royal Government of Cambodia.)

Nitin Pai: Temples, rivers and other disputes


via CAAI

Nitin Pai /  February 21, 2011

At the heart of the dispute between two modern-day kingdoms is a 10th century Hindu temple devoted to Shiva. Preah Vihear is in Cambodia – thanks to a 1962 verdict by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – but the traditional and the easiest way to access it is through the northern entrance, which lies in Thailand. The Thais, who never fully reconciled to the ICJ’s verdict, were enraged in 2008 when another international institution, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), sought to designate Preah Vihear as a World Heritage Site. The two countries have engaged in a number of armed skirmishes since then, with a 460-hectare tract of disputed land in the vicinity of the temple being the focus of the conflict.

The dispute has come in handy for the various actors engaged in the extended political drama in Thailand. A few weeks ago, Thai politicians “inspecting” the border regions were arrested by Cambodian authorities for illegally entering Cambodia, sparking off a new wave of armed conflict. The two countries exchanged artillery fire and Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva despatched tanks to the border. Meanwhile, Hun Sen, Cambodia’s battle-hardened prime minister, appointed his own son, a recently promoted major-general, to lead the forces defending Preah Vihear. He also called for the UN Security Council (UNSC) to intervene, a move that Thailand promptly rejected. The UNSC, as usual, lamely called for “maximum restraint”, “permanent ceasefire”, “effective dialogue” and passed the buck to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean).

Yet, Asean, a regional grouping often celebrated for its pragmatism and competence, has been unable to keep two of its members from going to war with each other. It will now try to play peacemaker, but it is unlikely that it can achieve anything beyond temporary damage control. Cambodia has legal title, but Thailand is more powerful. Preah Vihear is intertwined with Thailand’s domestic political turmoil, and because Asean cannot interfere in the internal affairs of its members, meaningful mediation will have to wait until the unrest, intrigue and ferment in Bangkok subsides. Even then, there is no guarantee that the Thais will allow their relative power advantage to be neutralised by accepting third-party arbitration.

Asean’s failure to prevent the Thai-Cambodian border dispute from escalating into a shooting war calls into question its ability to take on the more challenging project of anchoring East Asia’s security architecture. That’s not all. Asean states have been extremely reluctant to maintain solidarity with their counterparts in the latter’s disputes with non-Asean states. It is to the US that Vietnam and the Philippines turned last year when China upped the ante over the maritime territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

But Laos, Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam – lower riparians of the Mekong river – have no one to turn to in the dispute over water sharing with China. Beijing refuses to be part of the Mekong River Commission framework. It has observer status but does not fully share hydrological information on each of the dams it is building, creating anxiety in the downstream countries where a vast numbers of people rely on the river for their livelihood. According to Ame Trandem, a campaigner with International Rivers, an NGO, “Environmentalists in the region have continuously requested regional leaders to bring the issue of the Mekong dams to the Asean platform.” Countries such as Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines, she adds, “should publicly call for the Mekong River to remain free-flowing and healthy, while assisting fellow Asean countries to study less destructive and more sustainable energy options”.

But getting China to cooperate over managing the Mekong river waters requires more than that. Timo Menniken, a German scholar, argues, “Efforts have to concentrate on constructing a balance of power than appealing to China’s altruism.” He calls for Asean to adopt a common foreign policy over the Mekong, bolster Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Thailand with economic assistance and take up the issue with China at Asean-centred regional security fora. Driving a grand bargain with China, by “offering incentives in non-water fields in return for cooperative management of shared water resources” requires Asean to demonstrate solidarity that has hitherto been lacking. The Asean Foundation’s Makarim Wibisono recently lamented that the “‘we feeling’ is still absent in the minds of Asean people”.

As South East Asian countries become increasingly dependent on China, Beijing will succeed in co-opting Myanmar, Laos, Thailand and, perhaps, even Cambodia into joining its bandwagon. You can see why suspicions, disputes and conflicts among these countries will not be perceived as an undesirable state of affairs by China.

From Preah Vihear to the Mekong basin, from Myanmar to the South China Sea, the list of regional security issues where Asean is falling short is growing. It is likely that the business of providing a robust security architecture for the region will, as before, fall to non-members — this time the US, China and India.

The author is founder and fellow for geopolitics at the Takshashila Institution and editor of Pragati — The Indian National Interest Review

AKP - The Agence Kampuchea Press


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European Parliament resolution on border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia

Phnom Penh, February 20, 2011, AKP—European Parliament resolution on border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia.



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Letter to The Phnom Penh Post: Michael Hayes damaging misapprehension


Phnom Penh, February 20, 2011, AKP — Michael Hayes, in an article published on 17 February 2011 by The Phnom Penh Post under the title: “the view from Cambodia,” is not “a spin doctor for the government of Cambodia” as he mentioned about himself , but he is certainly a spin doctor for Thailand, when he suggested that: “As for the disputed 4.6 square kilometres just north of the temple, why not consider this: Turn the area into the Cambodian-Thai International Friendship Park and set it up as a jointly managed enterprise by both countries’ Ministries of Tourism.

Invite in hawkers, entrepreneurs, whatever, from both sides of the border to set up businesses to cater to the millions of tourists who will want to visit the site in the coming decades and beyond. Tax revenues could be shared by both nations equally. Everybody wins.”

No, not everybody wins. Michael Hayes loves to see Thailand wins and Cambodia loses.

Instead, Michael Hayes should suggest that Thailand must respect international treaties, of which Thailand (or Siam) was, is and will be the party to the treaties.

Siam (now Thailand) signed the Franco-Siamese Treaty of 13 February 1904 setting up a Mixed Commission composed of French Commission and Siamese Commission to delimit the frontier line between Cambodia (that was part of French Indochina) and Siam. In the area of the Temple of Preah Vihear, a map of the Dangrek sector known as “The Dangrek Map” among a set of eleven maps published under this Treaty recognized and accepted by Siam, is the insoluble evidence that an international frontier line, stable and final existed almost a century ago and continues to exist between Cambodia and Thailand.

Being former publisher and editor-in-chief of The Phnom Penh Post, and under this circumstance writing and publishing on Cambodian affairs where all eyes may yet see Michael Hayes as an expert in the matter, I found it to be a shocking disappointment, despite a certain number of things interesting, good and fair that are actually presented in the article.

The International Court of Justice’s Judgment of 15 June 1962 is the reaffirmation that there is an international frontier line, stable and final between Cambodia and Thailand as evidenced by the Dangrek map known to be ANNEX I to Memorial of Cambodia or ANNEX I map.



The Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the Government of the Kingdom of Thailand on the Survey and Demarcation of Land Boundary, actually known as MOU 2000 requires that the survey and demarcation shall be jointly conducted in accordance with:

• The Convention between France and Siam modifying the stipulations of the Treaty of the 3 October 1893, regarding Territorial Boundaries and other Agreements, signed at Paris, 13 February 1904;

• The Treaty between His Majesty the King of Siam and the President of the French Republic, signed at Bangkok, 23 March 1907, and the Protocol concerning the delimitation of boundaries and annexed to the Treaty of 23 March 1907;

• Maps which are the results of demarcation works of the Commissions of Delimitations of the Boundary between Indo-China and Siam set up under the Convention of 1904 and the Treaty of 1907 between France and Siam and other documents relating to the application of the above Convention and Treaty.

Based on the above international and legal documents, the “4.6 sq.kms” exists only in the imagination and fabrication of Thailand, and the suggestion of Michael Hayes, as I quoted here above, is feeding quite well into the campaign of intoxication of the international public opinion conducted consistently and shamelessly by Thailand for the “joint management” of a Cambodian piece of property against Cambodian will. Naturally, Cambodia will develop the area of the Temple of Preah Vihear in conformity with UNESCO and the World Heritage standards. It is a slandering suggestion aimed to spoil and to hurt the intelligence, kindness and good nature of the Cambodian people made by Michael Hayes who think that “tax revenues” will blind the Cambodian leaders seeking to enrich themselves with Thailand investments.

As the matter of fact Michael Hayes’ article is picked up in its entirety by the Bangkok Post Online News on 20 February 2011 under the title: “The view from across the border”. Without getting into unfair accusation, it is fair to think that Michael Hayes has not yet cleansed himself of the grudges he had against Cambodia and the former Second Prime Minister, Samdech Techo Hun Sen.

The point I wish to make here is that Michael Hayes, or anyone else, or any one of the stature of former President of Singapore, Lee Kwan Yew or former President of Jimmy Carter of the United States of America, as suggested by Pinn Siraprapasiri in “Thailand and Cambodia need a ‘Jimmy Carter’ mediator,”published in The Nation on 18 Februay 2011, to be successful his or her job would be to convince Thailand to respect and to be abided by the treaties of which Thailand is the party to those treaties.

At Jakarta, on 22 February 2011, the business is very specific.

The members of the United Nations Social Security Council (UNSC) in a meeting on 14 February, following the plea of Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia about the gravity of the conditions created by Thai’s war of aggression against Cambodia, took note that (i) a war broke out, (ii) there are losses of lives and properties, (iii) ten of thousands of people face insecurity and uncertainty everyday, and these calamities must be stopped, “urge the parties to establish a permanent ceasefire and to implement it fully,” and recommended that “the idea is to work in synergy with the regional efforts – and right now regional efforts are in full force – and resolve the situation peacefully and through effective dialogue.” It is for those reasons that foreign ministers of ASEAN will meet on 22 February at Jakarta under the chairmanship of Foreign Ministers of Indonesia, Marty Natalegwa.

Will we have a permanent ceasefire? Why not? Will the ceasefire be implemented fully? Why not? I bet on ASEAN’s astuteness, despite Thailand has a reputation of “a difficult child”.

Confusion and misapprehension will benefit Thailand to the detriment of Cambodia. Clarity will bring justice and equity to Cambodia. I intended that Michael Hayes be clear about the Cambodian affairs this moment in relation to Thailand’s war of aggression in the following sequences: (i) establishment of a permanent ceasefire under UNSC’s recommendation, (ii) full implementation of the ceasefire under UNSC’s recommendation, (iii) demarcation of the land boundary under MOU 2000.

Prof. Pen Ngoeun
Senior advisor and member of the Academic Committee
Puthisastra University, Phnom Penh, Cambodia,
Former Dean and Professor of the Faculty of Business and Economics
Pannasastra University of Cambodia,
Former Assistant Controller at Phibro Inc.,
A subsidiary of Citigroup Inc., New York City, USA, until 2000

It was all talk with nothing being said


via CAAI

Published: 21/02/2011
Newspaper section: News

There's no doubt that the real winner in the ''speech'' contest in New York last Monday was the host, the United Nations Security Council.

The council called a meeting at the UN headquarters to hear statements on the Thai-Cambodian border strife from Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya and his Cambodian counterpart Hor Namhong, who then simply walked out of the room.

The UN body carefully and intentionally made sure this ''contest'' ended with the Thai and Cambodian speakers being able to return home claiming a moral victory.

The public, both here and in Cambodia, should not get carried away with the claims made by Mr Kasit, Hor Namhong, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva or Cambodian leader Hun Sen. What they said was merely for domestic political consumption. No one wants to admit they were the loser; that would be a political disaster for both countries.

The real winner last week was neither Thailand nor Cambodia. It was the Security Council itself which showed the world what carefully designed diplomacy is all about. It made Cambodia look like the winner when the UN security body decided to take up the issue after the first exchange of gunfire on Feb 4 near Preah Vihear. That's what Hun Sen wanted from the beginning. Then it turned to Thailand and made the kingdom look like the winner, too, with the decision not to position blue-beret peacekeepers at the border and made no legally binding decision. Council members just wanted this matter to end for good in talks, not by tanks, and give the Association of Southeast Asian Nations a chance to play a role to mend the rift, if not to solve the problem.

If the border area contained oil reserves, the council would not have made the decision this way. Had this incident taken place some 40 years ago when one country after another was falling to the Communists, the call by the council would have been another thing. Sure, the border spat is something that has other Asean members worried. But it has only limited impact on regional security as it is being seen as two neighbours quarreling with each other in a game tinged with national pride, political motives and, unfortunately, unnecessary loss of life and injuries to soldiers and ordinary people.

In the speeches delivered by the Thai and Cambodian ministers last week, the two countries took different positions, making accusations against each other and, for Thailand in particular, unnecessarily reminding the international community of what Thailand has done for the neighbour as it was recovering from its own internal strife _ thus there is no reason for the kingdom to start an armed fight with Cambodia.

''We have attached great importance to maintaining and promoting friendly relations with Cambodia. We gave refuge to millions of Cambodian refugees. We were supportive of the peace process in Cambodia with Thai soldiers participating in peacekeeping efforts in Cambodia under the United Nations and were active in the reconstruction of Cambodia,'' Mr Kasit said in his statement. Hor Namhong was very strong when he tried to convince the Security Council to do something against ''Thailand 's aggression which has gravely endangered peace and stability in the region'' by dispatching UN peacekeepers or observers to the disputed frontier.

But it would be too pessimistic to say that there is no chance to find a solution to the problem by leaders in their capitals, with or without help from Asean. Thailand does not want the sovereignty issue of that 4.6 square kilometre areas to be dragged into the World Court, given the bitter history of the World Court's ruling over Preah Vihear. Cambodia is not willing to talk it over with Thailand alone and, after almost 50 years, it is still boosted by the court's favourable ruling on the temple. The process will be long, painful and no guarantee that the 1962 victory will be repeated.

A chance for a solution with a win-win situation to this problem begins with the strong political will of their leaders. Thus far, it has not been found in Bangkok nor Phnom Penh.

Govt asks Indonesia to send observers

via CAAI

By The Nation

Published on February 21, 2011


Cambodia may propose Asean monitors to be based at Preah Vihear Temple

Thailand continued its delicate diplomatic manoeuvring over its territorial conflict with Cambodia yesterday with an invitation for Indonesia, in its capacity as Asean chair, to send observers to the border.

Bangkok has also reaffirmed its stance that existing bilateral mechanisms can solve the dispute.

In a statement underlying Thailand's cautious approach in regard to Asean, Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said the Thai government expected the regional group's involvement would ensure talks between the two countries stay on course.

"I strongly insist the Thai side will rely on bilateral [consultations] with Cambodia," he said.

Talks on the boundary would be led by ambassador Asda Jayanama, while talks on border cooperation would be led by Defence Minister Prawit Wongsu-wan, and talks on regional affairs would be led by 2nd Army Region commander Lt General Thawatchai Samutsakorn.

Kasit was speaking after a high-level meeting to map out the Thai position ahead of the Asean meeting of foreign ministers in Jakarta tomorrow to discuss the Thai-Cambodian conflict.

The Asean meeting will be a follow-up to the statement by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), he said, alluding to the call to use existing mechanisms to resolve the border row.

He said Thai-Cambodian talks were still a viable way to resolve the border dispute. Asean's involvement to facilitate the talks, as suggested by the UNSC, was in line with keeping the negotiations at a bilateral level.

The Thai side has already mapped out an invitation to restart the Joint Boundary Committee and the General Border Commission. Prawit had also signalled a readiness for the next meeting to be hosted by Phnom Penh, he said.

Commenting on the ceasefiredeal between the two armed forces on Saturday, Prawit said it was not a formal document but an outcome of an informal meeting between military leaders.

Military leaders from the two sides reported back on the truce they had mapped out pending a review by their respective governments, he said.

To show their goodwill for a truce, the Thai side would request the presence of Indonesian observers deployed with Thai troops along the border, he said. Prawit hinted at a possible counter proposal as Cambodia has indicated it wants Asean observers to be stationed at Preah Vihear Temple.

Observers see Thailand's diplomacy as treading between keeping Asean at a distance and recognising the grouping's role by showing faith in the chair country, currently Indonesia.

Kasit said the Thai side deemed it unnecessary to formalise and sign the ceasefire agreement since the dispute could be settled through bilateral talks.

He said Unesco agreed with Thailand that deploying peacekeeping forces at the temple would violate the Bern Convention.

Today the Defence Ministry is due to take foreign military attaches from Bangkok to inspect the civilian damage caused by the border flare-up.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said Saturday's meeting between military leaders did not represent a formal deal between the two governments.

Abhisit said he clearly outlined to Unesco that the border dispute covering the 4.6 square kilometres was a sensitive issue not linked to the listing of the temple as a World Heritage Site. The dispute had to be resolved by the two countries without any interference from Unesco and other outside parties.

Meanwhile, the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) yesterday slammed the border truce with Cambodia as a "stupid deal" coming at the expense of Thai territory.

"Thailand is at a huge disadvantage as Cambodia has already seized areas surrounding Preah Vihear Temple," spokesman Panthep Pour-pongpan claimed.

On Saturday, Army Chief-of-Staff General Dapong Rattanasuan and Cambodian Deputy Supreme Commander General Jia Dara reached an eight-point agreement to halt hostilities after negotiations at Surin's Chong Sangam border checkpoint.

The PAD condemned the cease-fire, particularly the ban on the use of heavy weapons, because it limited Thailand's options in repelling Cambodian encroachment, Panthep said.